🧵 It's been a while since I did a big thread on UK atrocity prevention but buckle up cos this is a long one.

I've caught on on Tuesday's @CommonsForeign evidence session on #Xinjiang & #UKMAprev with HMG officials so you don't have to.

This is what went down...
FCDO Witnesses were:

Minister for Asia Nigel Adams

Rupert Ainley, Interim Dir North East Asia & China

Paul Williams, Dir of the new Open Societies & Human Rights directorate

(For info Williams back in 2018 was UK's Focal Point for #R2P)
Session opened with the basics. How does HMG describe abuses in #Xinjiang? Successive (excellent) Qs from @RhonddaBryant to the Minster didn't yield much but hesitation, equivocation + loose footing –revealing what we already know: HMG has no clear means of analysing atrocities
After taking the Minister through the acts of genocide, @RhonddaBryant asked why HMG canot make such a determination.

The Minister replied that UK's policy of leaving genocide determinations to competent courts "doesn't prevent us from taking action"

Well, quite. But what does?
I'd go into the genocide determination debate but I dont have to: @TomTugendhat did it brilliantly.

"Should we let human rights violations stand + only act on genocide? I'm asking as a policy basis, what's the gap?"

Here the Minister stumbles –he doesn't understand the question
And that's exactly the point. I'd argue the Minister's response fairly reflects UK policy because it is precisely because that gap that is (still) unaddressed in UK policy. And is what urgently requires attention.

See our sub to the Integrated Review: https://protectionapproaches.org/news/f/submission-to-the-integrated-review-of-uk-international-policy
Then comes the real meat of the session, again led by @TomTugendhat whose years-long commitment #UKMAprev & UK atrocity prevention strategy remains resolute.

Q. "Why has no such strategy yet been implemented?"
Genuine Q from me: If "HMG is absolutely committed to mass atrocity prevention” AND it is “embedded throughout all of our work” how can it be okay for the minister with responsibility for China, Myanmar & Sri Lanka to say "it's not my competency"?
Paul Williams then takes over as "director responsible for this particular policy area" –which is good to know because I was told the opposite a few weeks ago. It shows FCDO is still thinking through what its approach to atrocity prevention looks like –which is also good news.
Now THIS is what I came for.

This is how HMG currently sees its approach to modern atrocities & #atrocityprevention.

Deep breath and let's dive deep....🤿
First, obvs good UK continues to support the UN principle of #R2P & sees this as part of its approach to atrocity prevention

The problem has been -forever- that HMG has disproportionately understood its contributions to atrocity prevention as simply "passing up" to UN
Next, this funding piece

🇺🇳💰UK quite rightly funds crucial work of the tiny but mighty UN Office on Genocide Prevention & #R2P –but only modestly

🇬🇧💰UK quite rightly funds our v great friends @GCR2P (& must continue to!) –but HMG doesnt fund UK atrocity prevention & #R2P NGOs
"Atrocity prevention is mainstreamed across all of our work in the FCDO"

Great. How?

"There is central desk officer for this"

i.e one desk officer, not a senior position, is FCDO's –nay the UK government's– coordinating & convening capacity on ACTUAL ATROCITY CRIMES.

Oh.
"It is the responsibility of individual country teams and posts to look at the risks of atrocities in their regions"

Great. How?

There are no #UKMAprev early warning mechanisms or guidelines & I only know of 2 country teams that have frameworks to measure atrocity risks
PLUS there are no central processes or guidelines for country teams on where to feed such warnings. Do all country teams go to that one central desk officer? This is why @aliciakearns is calling for a #UKMAprev unit. https://twitter.com/WordsAreDeeds/status/1326580843847032841?s=20
"given the term atrocity prevention, we try to look upstream at these things"

Great.

But let's not pretend this is obvious. In 2018, when @tariqahmadbt was questioned by @AnnClwyd on the UK's approach to atrocity prevention, he answered only regarding military action
HOW far we've come! 🙌

But that's why assurance that HMG is committed to upstream atrocity prevention is SO WELCOME, and builds to some degree on the 2019 National Approach to Mass Atrocities but *how* this preventative work is done has not yet been established
Also LOVELY to hear Williams talk about using civil society organisations as part of the FCDO's new approach to atrocity prevention - particularly the upstream.

I look forward to @IBVprev and the 20+ members of the #UKMAPrev Working Group playing a role there
HA. See how much I got out of those 2.20 mins 🤓

But there is still so much good stuff to come....
HMG reluctance to recognise conflict prevention ≠ atrocity prevention has been major block to improving UK approaches to modern atrocities. #Xinjiang is a case in point. @TomTugendhat sets this out clearly but the answer is unconvincing

I just don't know what the reluctance is.
. @TomTugendhat rounded off his bang on Qs with a practical one:

Does HMG have an atrocity prevention training budget for staff?

Answer: No

But surely not for for long? FCDO in China (& elsewhere) need + deserve it

*Also folding AP into a conflict prev module is not sufficient
(But it was very nice of Williams to acknowledge the training @IBVprev has done with the UK Myanmar team as something that was available to other teams.)
So once again @CommonsForeign teased out much more about current understandings & future directions of UK atrocity prevention policy than we knew before.

And #UKMAprev **is** changing, keeps moving in the right direction & becoming more intentional and thought out. But slowly.
The Uyghurs and others #Xinjiang, and communities around the world, are paying the price for the many gaps that still exist.

The FCDO merger & implementing the integrated review hold the opportunities to do finally do #UKMAprev properly –and surely, if not now, when?

#ENDS🇬🇧🕊️
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