Every time the PAP salutes its Malay agents as role models, or trots out the first Malay colonel or executive, this powerful passage of James Baldwin comes to mind.

A thread on Malay and PAP tensions:
Every time the PAP salutes its Malay agents as role models, or trots out the first Malay colonel or executive, this powerful passage of James Baldwin comes to mind.A thread on Malay and PAP tensions:
Every time the PAP salutes its Malay agents as role models, or trots out the first Malay colonel or executive, this powerful passage of James Baldwin comes to mind.A thread on Malay and PAP tensions:
Within the Malay lexicon, there're terms describing—in one form or another—the phenomena of internalized racism, false consciousness, and respectability & assimilationist politics.

The latter two broadly refers to the belief that marginalized groups can gain liberation...
... and dignity by mimicking the behaviours of dominant identities, or soaking into their resulting systems.

Thus, Malays have terms like "pakcik turut”, “tali barut”, “boneka”, and "bebalisma". English expressions such as "uncle tom" & "pick me" are popular too.
... and dignity by mimicking the behaviours of dominant identities, or soaking into their resulting systems.Thus, Malays have terms like "pakcik turut”, “tali barut”, “boneka”, and "bebalisma". English expressions such as "uncle tom" & "pick me" are popular too.
... and dignity by mimicking the behaviours of dominant identities, or soaking into their resulting systems.Thus, Malays have terms like "pakcik turut”, “tali barut”, “boneka”, and "bebalisma". English expressions such as "uncle tom" & "pick me" are popular too.
Speculation: “Uncle tom", an Afro-American label, travelled to S'pore in the 1970s through Muhammad Ali, who'd tease his opponents as such.

Frantz Fanon, however, seems a more concrete case of cross-cultural exchange. His work on racial pathology has captivated Malay society.
Speculation: “Uncle tom", an Afro-American label, travelled to S'pore in the 1970s through Muhammad Ali, who'd tease his opponents as such.Frantz Fanon, however, seems a more concrete case of cross-cultural exchange. His work on racial pathology has captivated Malay society.
Speculation: “Uncle tom", an Afro-American label, travelled to S'pore in the 1970s through Muhammad Ali, who'd tease his opponents as such.Frantz Fanon, however, seems a more concrete case of cross-cultural exchange. His work on racial pathology has captivated Malay society.
Speculation: “Uncle tom", an Afro-American label, travelled to S'pore in the 1970s through Muhammad Ali, who'd tease his opponents as such.Frantz Fanon, however, seems a more concrete case of cross-cultural exchange. His work on racial pathology has captivated Malay society.
Speculation: “Uncle tom", an Afro-American label, travelled to S'pore in the 1970s through Muhammad Ali, who'd tease his opponents as such.Frantz Fanon, however, seems a more concrete case of cross-cultural exchange. His work on racial pathology has captivated Malay society.
However, throughout modern Malay history, debates have raged on Malay "uncle toms".

Under British rule, collaborating Malay bureaucrats & aristocrats were condemned as traitors by Malay peasants, nationalists, socialists, communists, religious reformists, and so on.
However, throughout modern Malay history, debates have raged on Malay "uncle toms".Under British rule, collaborating Malay bureaucrats & aristocrats were condemned as traitors by Malay peasants, nationalists, socialists, communists, religious reformists, and so on.
However, throughout modern Malay history, debates have raged on Malay "uncle toms".Under British rule, collaborating Malay bureaucrats & aristocrats were condemned as traitors by Malay peasants, nationalists, socialists, communists, religious reformists, and so on.
However, throughout modern Malay history, debates have raged on Malay "uncle toms".Under British rule, collaborating Malay bureaucrats & aristocrats were condemned as traitors by Malay peasants, nationalists, socialists, communists, religious reformists, and so on.
In independent S’pore, such censure has been reserved for the PAP’s Malay elites and partisans.

The PAP, conceded Lee Kuan Yew, have long struggled to attract Malay recruits. From the 1960s to 1980s, Malay folks were open with their dissent.
Early PAP Malay MPs like Othman Wok & Yatiman Yusof reported being ostracized & shamed. Othman received a parcel of shit too.

In 1987, at a community gathering, Yusnor Ef, a popular artist, fearlessly announced the nine attending PAP Malay elites as the "nine occupiers of hell".
Early PAP Malay MPs like Othman Wok & Yatiman Yusof reported being ostracized & shamed. Othman received a parcel of shit too.In 1987, at a community gathering, Yusnor Ef, a popular artist, fearlessly announced the nine attending PAP Malay elites as the "nine occupiers of hell".
Early PAP Malay MPs like Othman Wok & Yatiman Yusof reported being ostracized & shamed. Othman received a parcel of shit too.In 1987, at a community gathering, Yusnor Ef, a popular artist, fearlessly announced the nine attending PAP Malay elites as the "nine occupiers of hell".
Early PAP Malay MPs like Othman Wok & Yatiman Yusof reported being ostracized & shamed. Othman received a parcel of shit too.In 1987, at a community gathering, Yusnor Ef, a popular artist, fearlessly announced the nine attending PAP Malay elites as the "nine occupiers of hell".
But why so fierce?

In the history of independent S'pore, Malay marginality is tied to the PAP’s beliefs & systems of authoritarianism; elitism; neoliberalism; Chinese superiority; and Malay/Muslim deficiency & disloyalty.
But why so fierce?In the history of independent S'pore, Malay marginality is tied to the PAP’s beliefs & systems of authoritarianism; elitism; neoliberalism; Chinese superiority; and Malay/Muslim deficiency & disloyalty.
But why so fierce?In the history of independent S'pore, Malay marginality is tied to the PAP’s beliefs & systems of authoritarianism; elitism; neoliberalism; Chinese superiority; and Malay/Muslim deficiency & disloyalty.
But why so fierce?In the history of independent S'pore, Malay marginality is tied to the PAP’s beliefs & systems of authoritarianism; elitism; neoliberalism; Chinese superiority; and Malay/Muslim deficiency & disloyalty.
But why so fierce?In the history of independent S'pore, Malay marginality is tied to the PAP’s beliefs & systems of authoritarianism; elitism; neoliberalism; Chinese superiority; and Malay/Muslim deficiency & disloyalty.
The Malay community, especially its working class, are aware of their confinement within this institutional, political, racial order.

This is why it’s jarring when (bougie) Malays promote respectability & assimilation. Lily Rahim & others have explained this dynamic.
The Malay community, especially its working class, are aware of their confinement within this institutional, political, racial order.This is why it’s jarring when (bougie) Malays promote respectability & assimilation. Lily Rahim & others have explained this dynamic.
The Malay community, especially its working class, are aware of their confinement within this institutional, political, racial order.This is why it’s jarring when (bougie) Malays promote respectability & assimilation. Lily Rahim & others have explained this dynamic.
The Malay community, especially its working class, are aware of their confinement within this institutional, political, racial order.This is why it’s jarring when (bougie) Malays promote respectability & assimilation. Lily Rahim & others have explained this dynamic.
The Malay community, especially its working class, are aware of their confinement within this institutional, political, racial order.This is why it’s jarring when (bougie) Malays promote respectability & assimilation. Lily Rahim & others have explained this dynamic.
S’pore’s modern political landscape is also rooted in the PAP’s fear of Malay political clout. The GRC scheme & housing racial quotas arrived amidst Malay electoral dissent & rising birth-rates.

The PAP has also used Malay struggles as political football, showing concern...
... when convenient.

For example, the GRC was (falsely) marketed to safeguard minority representation. Many Malays, including PAP Minister Ahmad Mattar, opposed the cynical, condescending anti-democratic policy.
... when convenient.For example, the GRC was (falsely) marketed to safeguard minority representation. Many Malays, including PAP Minister Ahmad Mattar, opposed the cynical, condescending anti-democratic policy.
... when convenient.For example, the GRC was (falsely) marketed to safeguard minority representation. Many Malays, including PAP Minister Ahmad Mattar, opposed the cynical, condescending anti-democratic policy.
... when convenient.For example, the GRC was (falsely) marketed to safeguard minority representation. Many Malays, including PAP Minister Ahmad Mattar, opposed the cynical, condescending anti-democratic policy.
Notoriously, in 2017, Malays didn't ask for a racially-reserved Presidential Election.

But the PAP's gift incited sectarian discord among Malays & Muslims. It also emboldened Chinese folks' anti-minority racism, and misunderstanding of Malay & Indian shared histories.
Notoriously, in 2017, Malays didn't ask for a racially-reserved Presidential Election. But the PAP's gift incited sectarian discord among Malays & Muslims. It also emboldened Chinese folks' anti-minority racism, and misunderstanding of Malay & Indian shared histories.
Notoriously, in 2017, Malays didn't ask for a racially-reserved Presidential Election. But the PAP's gift incited sectarian discord among Malays & Muslims. It also emboldened Chinese folks' anti-minority racism, and misunderstanding of Malay & Indian shared histories.
Notoriously, in 2017, Malays didn't ask for a racially-reserved Presidential Election. But the PAP's gift incited sectarian discord among Malays & Muslims. It also emboldened Chinese folks' anti-minority racism, and misunderstanding of Malay & Indian shared histories.
Notoriously, in 2017, Malays didn't ask for a racially-reserved Presidential Election. But the PAP's gift incited sectarian discord among Malays & Muslims. It also emboldened Chinese folks' anti-minority racism, and misunderstanding of Malay & Indian shared histories.
Does the conflict between the PAP & S’pore’s Malays affect voting behaviour? To an extent, yes.

For instance, in GE1988, the Malays of Bedok & Eunos delivered impressive results for the Opposition. In 1989, the PAP instituted the racial housing quotas, citing Malay "enclaves".
In GE2011, Malays formed the highest portion of swing (Opposition) voters.

An independent poll revealed that they, similar to LGBT folks, voted in reference to historical & structural reasons (eg. discrimination, inequality). Thus, we see a sophisticated understanding...
In GE2011, Malays formed the highest portion of swing (Opposition) voters.An independent poll revealed that they, similar to LGBT folks, voted in reference to historical & structural reasons (eg. discrimination, inequality). Thus, we see a sophisticated understanding...
In GE2011, Malays formed the highest portion of swing (Opposition) voters.An independent poll revealed that they, similar to LGBT folks, voted in reference to historical & structural reasons (eg. discrimination, inequality). Thus, we see a sophisticated understanding...
... of politics.

For example, LGBT activism here projects a bourgeois Chinese habitus. Malay queers, trapped by racism & homophobia, are excluded.

Malay homophobes are also restricted by state racism. They bypass this via an alliance with powerful Chinese evangelicals.
... of politics. For example, LGBT activism here projects a bourgeois Chinese habitus. Malay queers, trapped by racism & homophobia, are excluded.Malay homophobes are also restricted by state racism. They bypass this via an alliance with powerful Chinese evangelicals.
... of politics. For example, LGBT activism here projects a bourgeois Chinese habitus. Malay queers, trapped by racism & homophobia, are excluded.Malay homophobes are also restricted by state racism. They bypass this via an alliance with powerful Chinese evangelicals.
Unless we forget, Malays were also pivotal to the PAP's early & merger years.

Malay leftists & trade unionists (eg. Samad Ismail, Yaacob Mohamed) mobilized Malay support for the PAP. In 1961, PAP assembly member Sahorah Ahmat saved Lee Kuan Yew in an emergency confidence vote.
Unless we forget, Malays were also pivotal to the PAP's early & merger years.Malay leftists & trade unionists (eg. Samad Ismail, Yaacob Mohamed) mobilized Malay support for the PAP. In 1961, PAP assembly member Sahorah Ahmat saved Lee Kuan Yew in an emergency confidence vote.
Unless we forget, Malays were also pivotal to the PAP's early & merger years.Malay leftists & trade unionists (eg. Samad Ismail, Yaacob Mohamed) mobilized Malay support for the PAP. In 1961, PAP assembly member Sahorah Ahmat saved Lee Kuan Yew in an emergency confidence vote.
Unless we forget, Malays were also pivotal to the PAP's early & merger years.Malay leftists & trade unionists (eg. Samad Ismail, Yaacob Mohamed) mobilized Malay support for the PAP. In 1961, PAP assembly member Sahorah Ahmat saved Lee Kuan Yew in an emergency confidence vote.
In the 2000s, Malay electoral support for the PAP was also substantial. But this backing was ostensibly premised on harm reduction & representational factors.

Thus, Malay approval ≠ to acceptance of regime ideologies & policies. In 2006, a young Alfian Sa'at cautioned that.
In the 2000s, Malay electoral support for the PAP was also substantial. But this backing was ostensibly premised on harm reduction & representational factors.Thus, Malay approval ≠ to acceptance of regime ideologies & policies. In 2006, a young Alfian Sa'at cautioned that.
In the 2000s, Malay electoral support for the PAP was also substantial. But this backing was ostensibly premised on harm reduction & representational factors.Thus, Malay approval ≠ to acceptance of regime ideologies & policies. In 2006, a young Alfian Sa'at cautioned that.
In GE2015, like GE2011, Malay electors were again highly concerned with economic inequality, and political diversity & accountability—issues that implicate PAP dominance.

It's likely that this will stay the same for #GE2020 .
In GE2015, like GE2011, Malay electors were again highly concerned with economic inequality, and political diversity & accountability—issues that implicate PAP dominance.It's likely that this will stay the same for #GE2020 .
In GE2015, like GE2011, Malay electors were again highly concerned with economic inequality, and political diversity & accountability—issues that implicate PAP dominance.It's likely that this will stay the same for #GE2020 .
In GE2015, like GE2011, Malay electors were again highly concerned with economic inequality, and political diversity & accountability—issues that implicate PAP dominance.It's likely that this will stay the same for #GE2020 .
Against this history, Malay contempt (and not advocacy) for the PAP is impeccably rational, mathematical, and justified.

This is further reinforced by the PAP's dogmatic insistence on Malay exceptionalism & respectability as pathways to success & humanity.
How should Malays deal with their clowns, grifters, bootlickers?

To be fair, the presence of collaboration & betrayal reflect the pressures of the PAP’s racialist norms & demands. People have good reasons to just play along (it won’t prevent clapbacks though).
Malay folks can claim a dozen academic degrees, mountains of wealth, and the best behaviour.

But in the end, as far as ruling policies, structures, and ideologies are concerned, they're the proverbial lazy, deviant natives. https://twitter.com/heymysara/status/1277175121120116737
However, if you’re a Malay elite, championing the status quo, or a Malay candidate of the party responsible for that injustice, then little charity can be granted to you.

One's innocence ends right there and then. https://twitter.com/lmaokasturi/status/1277529887297777668
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