Some initial thoughts on the EU’s recovery plan announced by the Commission today, which will be welcomed by most member states who are in need of short-term funding. First – AGAIN on the figures. 1/ #NextGenerationEU
THE AMOUNT: Commission President Von der Leyen said in her speech today the EU recovery plan totalled a sum of €2.4tn, including €1.85tn in new funds added to the ‘first response package’ of €540bn. Let’s break it down. 2/
The €1.85tn figure consists of €750bn of new funding for member states (MS), to be borrowed through a common instrument by the Commission in financial markets, with €500bn to be disbursed as “grants” and €250bn as loans 3/
The €1.1tn is just the EU’s budget, the Multi-annual Financial Framework( MFF), raised by own resources, mainly contributions from member states. This figure is LOWER than the €1.135tn proposed for the 2021-2027 MFF by the Commission in 2018. 4/
The €750bn ‘Next Generation’ figure is intended to be a pleasant surprise after media reports of the German-French agreement on €500bn. This came in response to the EU Parliament’s demand for a recovery fund of at least €2tn ON TOP of the MFF 5/
There is NO WAY that the Commission would have proposed €750bn instead of €500bn without the go-ahead from Germany and France. The French-German original announcement was an exercise in managing (lowering) expectations 6/
It’s also highly likely that Germany agreed to a higher figure in order to assure sovereign bond markets following the ruling of its constitutional court on the ECB’s bond-buying programme 7/
So we are not looking at EU recovery spending of €2.4tn but around 1/4 of that, €525bn; the rest is borrowing to fund loans that must be repaid, or aiming to mobilise the private sector; & the ESM funds are loans (and most of the amount has not yet been paid in by MS) 8/
Let’s look at the Next Generation €750bn. For sure, it is a significant amount that will have a positive impact. It is an unprecedented step for the EU to borrow this amount through a common debt instrument, and for it to be disbursed mainly by grants. 9/
But, if endorsed by the 27MS, note it is a ONE-OFF move unlikely to be repeated in the near future due to political opposition in the North. The €2tn proposed by the Parliament wasn’t plucked from the air, but based on economic forecasts of bare minimum spending necessary 10/
ECONOMIC NEEDS: To put this in context: the EU’s GDP was US$18.8tn in 2018. The ECB has predicted a contraction in EU GDP of 5-12%, publicly focusing on 7-8%. Yesterday it warned we are looking at the HIGH end of that estimate, with a new official forecast due next week. 12/
The April figures have emerged and they're GRIM. In April EU GDP was down by 3.8% in the euro area and by 3.5% in the EU https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/documents/2995521/10294708/2-30042020-BP-EN.pdf/526405c5-289c-30f5-068a-d907b7d663e6 13/
CONDITIONS: On the surface all of this doesn’t look so bad. The funds aren’t attached to a Troika memo, after all. But don’t think grants or loans are free from conditions; they are all conditional on obedience to the EU’s “liberalising machine” dynamic. 14/
The major instrument of Next Generation, pitched as “grants”, is a mixture of investment and reforms. “Member States will design their own tailored national recovery plans, based on the investment and reform priorities identified as part of the #EuropeanSemester”. 15/
I went through the trauma of reading every one of the Commission’s country-specific recommendations under the European Semester from 2011-2018 so you don’t have to. The Commission has developed an IMF-style detailed structural adjustment programme for every member state. 16/
The Commission's most common demands: Raise the pension age; put everyone to work in insecure jobs; cut spending on hospitals/aged care; shift taxes from “labour” (income) to “environment” (consumption) – i.e shift tax from a progressive to a regressive system. 17/
On sovereign debt: Risk over the past months has surged for Italy and Spain and to a lesser extent France. The ECB predicts public debt will reach 200% of GDP in Greece, 160% in Italy, 130% in Portugal and 120% in France and Spain https://www.ft.com/content/4d60cbfd-722e-4eee-af4a-50198321e0f8 18/ Image @FT
Side note: Given these figures, PERHAPS we should consider ditching the Stability and Growth Pact thresholds of a 60% debt-to-GDP ratio and an annual 3% deficit!!! 19/
THE MFF:

I won’t go into all the figures of the (2021-2027) MFF here. But the goals and figures are fiercely disputed by the three EU institutions. A major inter-institutional fight is looming on the MFF this year. 21/
The Commission today suggested the MFF would be agreed by December; this is very optimistic. Today’s proposal does not differ much from that of Council President Michel’s, which includes cuts of -12% to cohesion funds and -14% to agriculture, both hotly opposed by MEPs. 22/
Both the size of the MFF & where it will be spent are opposed by progressives because it is (1) insufficient to achieve fiscal transfers from the rich countries to the poor, & (2) directed at the wrong priorities – with (eg) a proposed increase of 648% on military spending! 23/
SUMMARY: So to sum up. The €2.4bn figure is inaccurate. The €500bn of grants to be disbursed is, sadly, conditional on “structural reforms”. The MFF figure proposed by the Commission’s to lift the EU out of a depression is even less ambitious than it was in 2018. 24/
Member states can resist the €750bn package in the Council – but it is likely it will only be opposed by the”frugal” states opposed to spending. We should demand this minimum of fundraising and spending is agreed upon. 25/
I haven’t even started upon the issue of how to ensure the funds are spent according to need and not to existing strengths; that’s for another thread. 26/
More importantly, I’m working on a detailed analysis of the unique problems posed by public debt in the EU & #Eurozone, and the role and mandate of the #ECB, to be published in June, so these issues will be addressed in that report. 27/
Finally: This is significant. But it’s not a sufficient amount of spending, or indeed of transfers. It adds to sovereign debt and it's conditional – even more so than usual. And it ignores the potential positive role the ECB could play #NextGenerationEU ENDS 28/28
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