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[THREAD]
1/38
On May 5, 2020, a man ended a 323-day hunger strike in Turkey. 2 days later, he was dead. His name was İbrahim Gökçek and his story goes back more than 3 decades. It's a story of music, politics, revolution, and oppression. It's a story of Turkey.
1/38
On May 5, 2020, a man ended a 323-day hunger strike in Turkey. 2 days later, he was dead. His name was İbrahim Gökçek and his story goes back more than 3 decades. It's a story of music, politics, revolution, and oppression. It's a story of Turkey.
2/38
On Sep 12, 1980, military chief Gen. Kenan Evren inaugurated Turkey's 3rd coup d'état, imposed martial law, dissolved the Parliament, and suspended the Constitution. This was against a backdrop of widespread social unrest. That's the year İbrahim Gökçek was born.
On Sep 12, 1980, military chief Gen. Kenan Evren inaugurated Turkey's 3rd coup d'état, imposed martial law, dissolved the Parliament, and suspended the Constitution. This was against a backdrop of widespread social unrest. That's the year İbrahim Gökçek was born.
3/38
Evren positioned himself as a champion of Kemalist traditions standing against fascism, anarchy, communism, and sectarianism. Lofty ideals but blood-soaked execution. In his quest to achieve political nirvana, he employed many less-then-ethical means triggering reprisals.
Evren positioned himself as a champion of Kemalist traditions standing against fascism, anarchy, communism, and sectarianism. Lofty ideals but blood-soaked execution. In his quest to achieve political nirvana, he employed many less-then-ethical means triggering reprisals.
4/38
Most civil rights were suspended as they were, in Evren's words, "too luxurious for Turkey." Among Evren's excesses was the execution of 19-year-old Erdal Eren after being arrested for participating in a demonstration against an activist's murder. Many say he was innocent.
Most civil rights were suspended as they were, in Evren's words, "too luxurious for Turkey." Among Evren's excesses was the execution of 19-year-old Erdal Eren after being arrested for participating in a demonstration against an activist's murder. Many say he was innocent.
5/38
In 1982, Evren announced "democratic" elections with a new constitution ratified in a shady referendum. He won. And stayed on thru 1989. Thus, a man of Albanian descent managed to take over Turkey, rewrite its constitution, and run its affairs for nearly a decade
In 1982, Evren announced "democratic" elections with a new constitution ratified in a shady referendum. He won. And stayed on thru 1989. Thus, a man of Albanian descent managed to take over Turkey, rewrite its constitution, and run its affairs for nearly a decade
6/38
Against this backdrop, in 1985, 4 students of Istanbul's Marmara University banded together to make politically stirring music inspired by the Latin American Nueva Canción movement. They were Ayşegül Yordam, Tuncay Akdoğan, Metin Kahraman, and Kemal Sahir Gürel.
Against this backdrop, in 1985, 4 students of Istanbul's Marmara University banded together to make politically stirring music inspired by the Latin American Nueva Canción movement. They were Ayşegül Yordam, Tuncay Akdoğan, Metin Kahraman, and Kemal Sahir Gürel.
7/38
This was Grup Yorum. Blending Kurdish and Anatolian folk elements with political satire as its leitmotif, the band would soon become an enduring archetype of dissent art bordering on anarchical hysteria. In 1987, the group launched Sıyrılıp Gelen, its first album.
This was Grup Yorum. Blending Kurdish and Anatolian folk elements with political satire as its leitmotif, the band would soon become an enduring archetype of dissent art bordering on anarchical hysteria. In 1987, the group launched Sıyrılıp Gelen, its first album.
8/38
The first track on this album was Büyü (lit. magic), a song about the 1980 coup. Since then, their work has included conversations around imperialism, oppression, and general erosion of democracy in Turkey. This, of course, came at a price.
The first track on this album was Büyü (lit. magic), a song about the 1980 coup. Since then, their work has included conversations around imperialism, oppression, and general erosion of democracy in Turkey. This, of course, came at a price.
9/38
Although Turkey passed from one President to another and swung between liberal and conservative, Grup Yorum's persecution remained a constan feature throughout. In 1993, a truck carrying tapes of newly-released Cesaret (lit. courage) was intercepted on its way to Diyarbakir.
Although Turkey passed from one President to another and swung between liberal and conservative, Grup Yorum's persecution remained a constan feature throughout. In 1993, a truck carrying tapes of newly-released Cesaret (lit. courage) was intercepted on its way to Diyarbakir.
10/38
Armed members of the Turkish Gendarmerie shot at and destroyed the whole consignment. Of course this was on government orders. Since then, the group has gone through nearly 400 trials, and about as many incarcerations, concert bans, confiscations, and raids.
Armed members of the Turkish Gendarmerie shot at and destroyed the whole consignment. Of course this was on government orders. Since then, the group has gone through nearly 400 trials, and about as many incarcerations, concert bans, confiscations, and raids.
11/38
But why so much hate anyway? For this we'll have to go back to the coup I spoke of earlier, that's where it all started. Almost.
2 years before Gen. Evren's coup, Dursun Karataş put together a militant far-Left outfit called Devrimci Sol.
But why so much hate anyway? For this we'll have to go back to the coup I spoke of earlier, that's where it all started. Almost.
2 years before Gen. Evren's coup, Dursun Karataş put together a militant far-Left outfit called Devrimci Sol.
12/38
Karataş was a Marxist-Leninist idealist of Kurdish descent who envisioned a Communist Utopia for Turkey. Throughout its existence, Dev Sol engaged in a sustained campaign against the state and conducted a series of high-profile assassinations along the way.
Karataş was a Marxist-Leninist idealist of Kurdish descent who envisioned a Communist Utopia for Turkey. Throughout its existence, Dev Sol engaged in a sustained campaign against the state and conducted a series of high-profile assassinations along the way.
13/38
These assassinations included ex-PM Nihat Erim and ex-Minister Gün Sazak. In 1990, miffed by American "imperialism" and involvement in the Gulf War, members of Dev Sol launched an offensive against the US in particular and NATO in general.
These assassinations included ex-PM Nihat Erim and ex-Minister Gün Sazak. In 1990, miffed by American "imperialism" and involvement in the Gulf War, members of Dev Sol launched an offensive against the US in particular and NATO in general.
14/38
This offensive saw at least 2 American officers killed and 20 NATO facilities bombed. In 1994 the group reorganized as Devrimci Halk Kurtuluş Partisi-Cephesi or DHKP-C, a name it carries to this day. The assassinations, suicide bombings, riots, and arson continued.
This offensive saw at least 2 American officers killed and 20 NATO facilities bombed. In 1994 the group reorganized as Devrimci Halk Kurtuluş Partisi-Cephesi or DHKP-C, a name it carries to this day. The assassinations, suicide bombings, riots, and arson continued.
15/38
Today, this group stands banned in places like the US, the EU, Japan, and of course Turkey. All major world governments have officially labelled them a terrorist group and have varying amounts of bounties on the members' heads. The group continues to exist though.
Today, this group stands banned in places like the US, the EU, Japan, and of course Turkey. All major world governments have officially labelled them a terrorist group and have varying amounts of bounties on the members' heads. The group continues to exist though.
16/38
And this is what makes Grup Yorum problematic. The band's aggressive positioning as a champion of revolutionary far-Left ideals has made it uncomfortably close to DHKP-C at least in optics. Although it's continued to deny the link to date, the association sticks.
And this is what makes Grup Yorum problematic. The band's aggressive positioning as a champion of revolutionary far-Left ideals has made it uncomfortably close to DHKP-C at least in optics. Although it's continued to deny the link to date, the association sticks.
17/38
And using giant images of militant revolutionaries like Guevara and Castro as concert fixtures and prominent red scarves as band uniform doesn't help matters much either. Nevertheless, the group went on to become one of Turkey's top-rated chartbusters in history.
And using giant images of militant revolutionaries like Guevara and Castro as concert fixtures and prominent red scarves as band uniform doesn't help matters much either. Nevertheless, the group went on to become one of Turkey's top-rated chartbusters in history.
18/38
An amusing thing about Grup Yorum is that its composition has been in a constant state of change thanks to the relentless persecution it's faced throughout its history. So much so that none of its founding members remain part of the ensemble today.
An amusing thing about Grup Yorum is that its composition has been in a constant state of change thanks to the relentless persecution it's faced throughout its history. So much so that none of its founding members remain part of the ensemble today.
19/38
İbrahim Gökçek was born in 1980, the same year Turkey entered Gen. Evren's coup. This was almost symbolic because resistance came to underscore almost the entirety of his life from then on. Enchanted by its activism, he would later join Grup Yorum as its bass guitarist.
İbrahim Gökçek was born in 1980, the same year Turkey entered Gen. Evren's coup. This was almost symbolic because resistance came to underscore almost the entirety of his life from then on. Enchanted by its activism, he would later join Grup Yorum as its bass guitarist.
20/38
In 2007, something changed in Turkey. In fact, 2007 was to Turkey what 2014 was to India. That's the year, the country decided to flirt with something it had abandoned over 80 long years ago under Atatürk — Islamic fundamentalism. In government.
In 2007, something changed in Turkey. In fact, 2007 was to Turkey what 2014 was to India. That's the year, the country decided to flirt with something it had abandoned over 80 long years ago under Atatürk — Islamic fundamentalism. In government.
21/38
Abdullah Gül, an Islamic populist won presidency on an AKP ticket. AKP or Adalet ve Kalkınma Partis (lit. Justice and Development Party) is a far-Right political outfit Gül floated in 2001 with friend and running mate, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The endeavor proved successful.
Abdullah Gül, an Islamic populist won presidency on an AKP ticket. AKP or Adalet ve Kalkınma Partis (lit. Justice and Development Party) is a far-Right political outfit Gül floated in 2001 with friend and running mate, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The endeavor proved successful.
22/38
A wildly popular musical ensemble with perceived far-Left affiliations in a wildly popular far-Right regime — paradox aside, it's easy to see why the two should be so naturally inconsistent. This inconsistency extracted its toll, and continues to till date.
A wildly popular musical ensemble with perceived far-Left affiliations in a wildly popular far-Right regime — paradox aside, it's easy to see why the two should be so naturally inconsistent. This inconsistency extracted its toll, and continues to till date.
23/38
Toward the end of his presidency, Gül signed into law a series of legislations that came in direct conflict with Atatürk's secularism. It started with the one in Feb 2013 that restricted the Internet. This law along with others fueled a wave of protests throughout Turkey.
Toward the end of his presidency, Gül signed into law a series of legislations that came in direct conflict with Atatürk's secularism. It started with the one in Feb 2013 that restricted the Internet. This law along with others fueled a wave of protests throughout Turkey.
24/38
The reprisals, known as the Gezi Park protests, started 4 months later triggered by a controversial development plan for Istanbul's Taksim Gezi Park. But the agenda soon shifted to resistance against subversion of civil liberties under Gül's presidency.
The reprisals, known as the Gezi Park protests, started 4 months later triggered by a controversial development plan for Istanbul's Taksim Gezi Park. But the agenda soon shifted to resistance against subversion of civil liberties under Gül's presidency.
25/38
Some estimates place the number of protestors at 3.5 million. That's almost 4% of Turkey's population. Gül, however, responded by doubling-down and legislating tighter government controls over the nation's judiciary. This was to protect Erdoğan from corruption charges.
Some estimates place the number of protestors at 3.5 million. That's almost 4% of Turkey's population. Gül, however, responded by doubling-down and legislating tighter government controls over the nation's judiciary. This was to protect Erdoğan from corruption charges.
26/38
Gül became, after a low-key swearing-in in August 2007, the first Turkish President with a background in Islamic politics and by extension the first real threat to Kemalism. From then on, Grup Yorum's has been a saga of protracted witch-hunt and resilience.
Gül became, after a low-key swearing-in in August 2007, the first Turkish President with a background in Islamic politics and by extension the first real threat to Kemalism. From then on, Grup Yorum's has been a saga of protracted witch-hunt and resilience.
27/38
Around the time the legislation restricting internet access was signed into law, 5 Grup Yorum members were arrested on charges of DHKP-C affiliations. Although released 3 days later, the message was clear: Dissent is injurious to health.
Around the time the legislation restricting internet access was signed into law, 5 Grup Yorum members were arrested on charges of DHKP-C affiliations. Although released 3 days later, the message was clear: Dissent is injurious to health.
28/38
Gül's presidency ended in 2014, but that was hardly a respite because then came Erdoğan. Erdoğan's presidency has been little more than a continuation of Gül's autocratic Islamist legacy. If anything, his tenure only made the repression more pronounced than ever before.
Gül's presidency ended in 2014, but that was hardly a respite because then came Erdoğan. Erdoğan's presidency has been little more than a continuation of Gül's autocratic Islamist legacy. If anything, his tenure only made the repression more pronounced than ever before.
29/38
2 years into presidency, Erdoğan faced Turkey's 4th military coup d'état, arguably its most violent. The exercise failed and ended in over 300 deaths. This was followed by mass arrests — 10,000 soldiers, 3,000 judges, and over 60,000 others.
2 years into presidency, Erdoğan faced Turkey's 4th military coup d'état, arguably its most violent. The exercise failed and ended in over 300 deaths. This was followed by mass arrests — 10,000 soldiers, 3,000 judges, and over 60,000 others.
30/38
Turkey's official line links the coup with the Gülen movement, a guerrilla outfit run by Fethullah Gülen, a designated terrorist said to be living in the US. Gülen, however, calls it a self-coup staged by Erdoğan himself to help consolidate his grip on Turkey.
Turkey's official line links the coup with the Gülen movement, a guerrilla outfit run by Fethullah Gülen, a designated terrorist said to be living in the US. Gülen, however, calls it a self-coup staged by Erdoğan himself to help consolidate his grip on Turkey.
31/38
Amongst those arrested were 8 Grup Yorum members who were picked up at a live concert. In Feb 2018, 6 members were placed on a Gray List which meant a ₺300,000 bounty on their heads. Ibrahim Gökçek was one of them. By the end of the month, he was arrested.
Amongst those arrested were 8 Grup Yorum members who were picked up at a live concert. In Feb 2018, 6 members were placed on a Gray List which meant a ₺300,000 bounty on their heads. Ibrahim Gökçek was one of them. By the end of the month, he was arrested.
32/38
Gökçek was picked during a raid on İdil Cultural Center in Okmeydanı. This venue is managed by the group and is home to their concerts in Istanbul. Since Gökçek's arrest, the Center has endured almost a dozen such raids losing close to 30 members to arrests.
Gökçek was picked during a raid on İdil Cultural Center in Okmeydanı. This venue is managed by the group and is home to their concerts in Istanbul. Since Gökçek's arrest, the Center has endured almost a dozen such raids losing close to 30 members to arrests.
33/38
These raids always left a heap of trashed musical instruments in their wake. The 2017 album titled İlle Kavga (lit. struggle no matter what) immortalized one such raid from the previous year with an image of broken instruments on its cover.
These raids always left a heap of trashed musical instruments in their wake. The 2017 album titled İlle Kavga (lit. struggle no matter what) immortalized one such raid from the previous year with an image of broken instruments on its cover.
34/38
2 months after Gökçek's arrest, several members of Grup Yorum went on a hunger strike to protest the witch-hunt. This included 40-year-old Ibrahim Gökçek and 28-year-old Helin Bölek, one of the ensemble's lead singers. Although Bölek was released in Nov, her fast continued.
2 months after Gökçek's arrest, several members of Grup Yorum went on a hunger strike to protest the witch-hunt. This included 40-year-old Ibrahim Gökçek and 28-year-old Helin Bölek, one of the ensemble's lead singers. Although Bölek was released in Nov, her fast continued.
35/38
By Jan 2020, Gökçek and Bölek had doubled down on their demands and moved from hunger strike to "death fast." The following month Gökçek was out of prison. But the fast continued. On April 3, Bölek succumbed to 288 days of starvation.
By Jan 2020, Gökçek and Bölek had doubled down on their demands and moved from hunger strike to "death fast." The following month Gökçek was out of prison. But the fast continued. On April 3, Bölek succumbed to 288 days of starvation.
36/38
Gökçek still continued to fast with renewed vigor and resolve. This, however, came to an end on May 5, 2020 when he was transferred to a hospital in Istanbul. That was 323 days since he last ate something. 2 days later, İbrahim Gökçek lost the battle of life.
Gökçek still continued to fast with renewed vigor and resolve. This, however, came to an end on May 5, 2020 when he was transferred to a hospital in Istanbul. That was 323 days since he last ate something. 2 days later, İbrahim Gökçek lost the battle of life.
37/38
The fight is still far from over though. As we speak, another member, Mustafa Kocak, continues his death fast inside the Kırklar prison, Izmir. İbrahim's widow, Sultan, still remains incarcerated at the Silivri Prison in Istanbul.
The fight is still far from over though. As we speak, another member, Mustafa Kocak, continues his death fast inside the Kırklar prison, Izmir. İbrahim's widow, Sultan, still remains incarcerated at the Silivri Prison in Istanbul.
38/38
So this is story that started with Gen. Evren's despotic Kemalism and is currently at Erdoğan's equally despotic Islamism. Swinging between two autocratic polar opposites, Grup Yorum remains a stubborn mule blocking every tinpot's journey to dictatorship.
So this is story that started with Gen. Evren's despotic Kemalism and is currently at Erdoğan's equally despotic Islamism. Swinging between two autocratic polar opposites, Grup Yorum remains a stubborn mule blocking every tinpot's journey to dictatorship.
Here's another thread you might find interesting if you liked the one above. https://twitter.com/Schandillia/status/1247761246633340929?s=19
